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My Best Guess

3/10/2016

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Picture
St. Louis in 1859

​I can go on and on and on about the question of the first St. Louis baseball club and the fact that I've been working on a long-form piece on the subject for well over a year proves that.  I haven't even really touched on Ed Bredell and the possibility of his having been exposed to the New York game while he was at Brown University.  I haven't touched on the influence of Yankee merchants and the influx of Eastern immigrants into St. Louis in the antebellum era.  I haven't mentioned the influence of railroads and newspapers and the new technologies that helped spread the game.  I haven't mentioned how protobaseball games spread across the Trans-Appalachian West and how that spread pattern is very similar to settlement patterns and what those patterns tell us about the spread of the New York game.  I haven't mentioned the importance of social clubs in antebellum America.  It's an endlessly fascinating subject to me and it all ends with the spread of the game into St. Louis and the formation of the best baseball club in the city.

Instead of talking about all of that, I'm going to just put a cap on this and get back to the Baldwin Affair.  And towards that end, I'm just going to tell you what I think happened.  I think I've given you more than enough evidence to support what I'm going to tell you here and more than enough evidence so that you understand that this is all speculation.  It is all speculation but it's also based on an understanding of the cumulative weight of all of the evidence I've gathered over the last decade.  It's a guess but it's an educated guess.

The easiest thing to do would be to say that the Unknown Club was the first baseball club in St. Louis history.  That's what the contemporary source material tells us.  But the fact that I can't tell you for a fact that they were playing the New York game is a problem for me.  The fact that they didn't form until August 1, 1859, is another.  I can't say that they weren't the first club but the farthest I'm really willing to go with the Unknowns is to say that they are the first St. Louis baseball club I'm aware of to be mentioned in the contemporary source material.  That's something but it's not everything.  

I have four members of the Cyclone Club who claim that their club was the first baseball club ever formed in St. Louis.  I have three members who claim the club formed in the summer of 1859.  I have E.H. Tobias, who I have the utmost respect for, not contradicting that statement and, in a different source, stating the Cyclones formed in 1859.  The predominance of the secondary source material supports the idea that the Cyclones were the first baseball club in St. Louis history and that they formed in the summer of 1859.  

I believe that the weight of evidence supports the Cyclone Thesis.  It is not conclusive.  I do not have all of the evidence that I would like.  I do not have a smoking gun that proves it.  But after a decade of researching the subject, the Cyclone Thesis is the best argument I can put forward as to who the first club was and when they were formed.  

I really don't have any doubt that the Cyclones formed before the Empires, the Unions, or the Commercials.  I really don't have any doubt that the Cyclones were playing the New York game in St. Louis before the Morning Stars were.  The only real questions I have - and I take these seriously - concern the type of game the Unknown Club was playing and whether or not the Cyclones formed prior to August 1, 1859.  If the Unknowns were playing the local baseball variant then they were not the first St. Louis baseball club in the sense that we're using the term.  If the Cyclones formed prior to August 1, 1859, then, again, the Unknowns were not the first club.  So, in the end, it comes down to either the Cyclones or the Unknowns and, as I said, I believe the weight of the evidence supports the Cyclones claim to being the first baseball club in St. Louis history.  

Given all of that, what do I think happened?  

In the late 1850s, you had several clubs in the St. Louis area playing the local baseball variant.  You had two clubs in Alton, the Morning Stars in St. Louis, and, possibly, the Unknowns.  There may have been more that we're unaware of but the local variant was popular and was being played at various locations around the city.  

Ed Bredell, Jr., went to Brown University, at Providence, Rhode Island, in 1855 and was still there in 1856.  He may have been there the following year but I can't say that for certain.  The important thing is that Bredell was probably exposed to the New York game while at university.  Brown University played a significant role in the history of collegiate athletics and, specifically, in the history of collegiate baseball.  Providence, itself, had a history of ball-playing that dated back, at least, to the 1820s, a baseball club was formed there in 1857, and Brown had baseball clubs by the early 1860s.  I have little doubt that baseball was being played in Providence and at Brown when Bredell was there and it's likely that he first played the game while a university student.  At the very least, Bredell most likely saw the New York game being played while a student in Providence.  

This is significant because Bredell was the co-founder of the Cyclone Club.  Everybody always talks about Merritt Griswold because his connection to the game in Brooklyn prior to his coming to St. Louis is known.  Bredell's connection to the game is something that very few people are aware of and is an extremely important data point.  He was more than likely exposed to the game and played the game while at university and then returns to St. Louis in the late 1850s with a knowledge and love of the game.  

I think it's also important when you consider Bredell and Griswold's relationship.  Bredell was Griswold's boss.  He was the business manager of the Missouri Glass Company and while I describe the two men as co-workers, the fact is that Griswold worked for Bredell and his father.  I like the description of the founding of the Cyclone Club in the 1895 Republic article that states that Griswold put the club together under the "exertions" of Bredell.  That makes a lot of sense when you know that Bredell already had a knowledge of the New York game and that he was Griswold's boss.

So the Missouri Glass Company opens on May 29, 1859, and Bredell, Jr., is the business manager.  Merritt Griswold arrives in St. Louis shortly thereafter and gets a job with the firm.  He had been playing baseball in Brooklyn as late as October of 1858 and had been playing with various clubs in Brooklyn for several years.  He was a baseball player and someone who loved the game.  He comes to a town with a history of ball-playing and that had several clubs playing the local baseball variant.  Griswold probably didn't realize it at the time but he had moved from one hotbed of baseball to another.  

But Griswold quickly discovers that he had moved to a baseball town.  He becomes aware of the Morning Stars and has discussions with them about the proper way to play baseball.  I'm sure he quickly found out that the young business manager he worked with was a baseball fan who had played the New York game while at school in the East.  Griswold and Bredell strike up a natural friendship through their mutual love of baseball.  And the two decide to form a baseball club.  This is how the Cyclone Club came about.

The major question is, again, when exactly this happened.  It could not have happened prior to May 29, 1859.  If we assume that Griswold began work with the Missouri Glass Company when it opened, he and Bredell could have easily formed the club in June of 1859, which fits perfectly with the summer of 1859 founding date given by former members of the club.  That's a big assumption and is probably the biggest hole in the Thesis.  But I think it makes sense.  

My best guess is that Griswold was in St. Louis in May of 1859.  My best guess is that he was working at the Missouri Glass Company when it opened.  My best guess is that he and Bredell struck up a friendship at that time.  Based on all of those assumptions and my understanding of the source material, my best guess is that the Cyclone Base Ball Club of St. Louis formed in June of 1859.

My best guess is that the Cyclones were playing the New York game by June of 1859 and that they were the first baseball club in the city to do so.        
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Was The Summer of 1859 Even Possible?

3/9/2016

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In the summer of 1859 a meeting was held in the office of the old Missouri Glass Company, on Fifth street between Pine and Olive.  M.W. Griswold, a clerk in the company's store, who had lately moved to St. Louis from Brooklyn, N.Y., an enthusiast on baseball, aided by the exertions of Ed Bredele, had gathered together the nucleus of a club...

-St. Louis Republic, April 21, 1895
One of the things that I don't know is specifically when Merritt Griswold got to St. Louis.  I know that he was still living in Brooklyn in 1858.  He's listed in the 1859 Brooklyn city directory, which was probably put together in the summer of 1858, and he was still playing with the Hiawathas in October of 1858.  He was certainly in St. Louis by April of 1860, when he published the rules of the game in the Missouri Democrat.  Also, he's listed in the 1860 St. Louis city directory that came out no later than March of that year.  So sometimes between October of 1858 and March of 1860, Merritt Griswold moved to St. Louis.  And given that the 1860 St. Louis directory was probably put together in the summer or early fall of 1859, I'm comfortable saying that he moved to St. Louis sometime between October of 1858 and October of 1859.       

​It's absolutely possible that Griswold was in St. Louis and working at the Missouri Glass Company by the summer of 1859, as the Missouri Glass Company opened for business on May 29 of that year.   
The Missouri Glass Company's Works are situated in the First Ward of the city of St. Louis, west of the Arsenal.  The Company was incorporated by an act of the Legislature and went into operation under their charter on the 29th day of May, and elected Edward Bredell, President, and Edward Daly, Secretary...

-Missouri Republican, December 26, 1859
The assumption is that Ed Bredell, Jr., and Merritt Griswold met while working together at the Missouri Glass Company.  If this is true then the Cyclones could not have been formed before May 29, 1859.  That's the earliest possible date that the club could have been formed, if this assumption is true.
In the summer of 1859 a meeting was held in the office of the old Missouri Glass Company, on Fifth street between Pine and Olive.  M.W. Griswold, a clerk in the company's store, who had lately moved to St. Louis from Brooklyn, N.Y., an enthusiast on baseball, aided by the exertions of Ed Bredell, had gathered together the nucleus of a club...

-St. Louis Republic, April 21, 1895

So I think I've answered the question I posed in the title of this post.  It's absolutely possible that the Cyclones could have formed in the summer of 1859, prior to the formation of the Unknown Club in August of that year.  Leaving aside the question of what kind of baseball the Unknown Club was playing, it's possible that the Cyclones formed before they did and, therefore, were the first baseball club in St. Louis history.  

What we're really looking at here is a window between the end of May 1859 and April 1860 for the formation of the Cyclone Club.  At the moment that's as far as we can narrow this thing.  The reality is that they probably formed either in the early or mid summer of 1859 or in the early spring of 1860.  Either date allows for you to argue that they were the first club in St. Louis although the first date is really what the best argument is based on.     
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Rev. Rufus E. Gamble (And Some Notes On The Relationship Between Members Of The Cyclone Club)

10/8/2015

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Rev. Rufus E. Gamble, formerly of this county, now pastor of a Southern Methodist Church of St. Joe, is visiting relatives here.  Mr. Gamble's bad health may compel him to cease preaching regularly, in which event he thinks of going into business in this city.

-St. Louis Globe-Democrat, February 1, 1876
The will of Mrs. Louisa R. Gamble, widow of Archibald Gamble, was probated yesterday.  The estate is divided into seven equal parts for the benefit of her children and grandchildren...(Including) one part to her son, Rev. Joseph Gamble...(and) one part to her son, Rev. Rufus E. Gamble...The will is dated July 5, 1878, and is witnessed by Edward Bredell and Charles B. Cox.
​
-St. Louis Globe-Democrat, February 9, 1879
This is good stuff.  The Gamble brothers were members of the Cyclone Club but I've had problems finding any information about Rufus Gamble.  I have biographical information on Joseph Gamble and knew that he was a Presbyterian minister and it's interesting that his brother also became a minister.  

Also of interest is the relationship between the Gamble family and the Bredell family.  Archibald Gamble and Edward Bredell, Sr. were business associates who where involved in copper mining in the 1840s and, based on the fact that Bredell was one of the witnesses to Gamble's will, it appears that they maintained a relationship after that.  Their sons, Rufus and Joseph Gamble and Edward Bredell, Jr., all happened to be members of the Cyclones.  The younger Bredell, along with Merritt Griswold, was one of the founders of the club and it appears that he may have brought in a few of his close friends.  

The members of the Cyclone Club were a rather diverse group of gentlemen and there is no common link between them.  However, within the club, most of the member have at least one relationship with one other member.  Griswold and Bredell worked together.  Rufus and Joseph Gamble were brothers.  Bredell and the Gambles were family friends.  Leonard, William, and Orville Matthews were brothers.  Orville Matthews and Alex Crossman were members of the United States Navy.  Leonard and William Matthews were druggists as was Maurice Alexander.  Ferdinand Garesche and Edward Farrish were in-laws.  Bredell, Basil Duke, Gratz Moses and Garesche had similar political sympathies.  John Collier and John Davis were close friends.  

While I haven't established a relationship between each club member and another member, it seems rather intuitive to believe that these relationships exist.  You usually have a reason to join a club and while that reason, in the case of the Cyclone Club isn't obvious, I'm sure it exists.      
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These Countless Graves: William Faulkner, Intruder in the Dust, and the Final Resting Place of Edward Bredell

9/25/2014

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Picture
Edward Bredell's grave at Bellefontaine Cemetery
When I was about fifteen, I had to read Faulkner's Intruder in the Dust in school.  Over the years, I have grown to love Faulkner and consider him to be the best American writer of the 20th century.  But it took me some time and effort to be able to read and appreciate him.  When I was fifteen, I had no idea what I was reading.  I will never forget trying to get through the first few pages of Intruder in the Dust.  It was like getting dropped in the middle of a forest with no map, no compass, no markers or stars to guide you.  I was a lost ball in the tall weeds.  While I've gone on to read deeply of Faulkner works, with great enjoyment, I've never gone back to reread Intruder in the Dust, simply because I've always wanted to remember that book and my introduction to Faulkner as a moment of frightening chaos.  To reread the book would spoil the memory.  

I basically remember three things about the book.  First, I remember the lack of antecedents for pronouns.  The question that was getting asked in the hallways of my school, the day after we started reading the book, was "Who is 'he'?"  Faulkner dropped you off in the story with "He did this" and "He did that" and we couldn't figure out who "he" was.  I learned the importance of antecedents that day.  

The second thing I remember was that Faulkner has a passage in the book that goes on for something like 36 pages without a punctuation mark.  I'm not exaggerating.  It goes on for thirty-something pages.  I counted.  That was the moment that I learned that there were no rules to writing.  If Faulkner can go 36 pages without a punctuation mark, do we really need to be harping on comma usage?  

Finally, I remember that there was a corpse that kept getting dug up and reburied.  I had to look it up, while writing this, but it was the corpse of Vincent Gowrie.  The teacher for this particular class was Mrs. Tucker and she was a tough old bird.  She would give us a quiz every day asking specific questions about the material we had been assigned, just to make sure we were reading what we were supposed to be reading.  Smart woman.  But I remember that one of the questions on one of the quizzes had to do with the number of times Vincent Gowrie's corpse was dug up.  

I mention all of this because I'm pretty sure that fifteen year olds aren't reading Faulkner anymore and they really should be.  They should also be getting quizzed everyday to make sure they're reading it.  I also mention this because the history of what happened to the remains of Edward Bredell has always reminded me of Intruder in the Dust and the corpse of Vincent Gowrie.   
One of the men killed in the Blazer fight was Edward Bredell of St. Louis.  He had been an officer in the regular army before he came to us, and his parents were very wealthy.  Moreover, he was an only child.  On the day of the fight the boys laid him to rest where he fell, but afterwards we brought his body over to our side of the mountain and buried it near Oak Hill, the former home of Chief Justice Marshall.  Before the war ended young Bredell's father came down to Virginia and took his dead son's body home.  When he reached St. Louis, owing to the bitter feeling there towards the Southerners, he was informed that the body could not be buried in any of the cemeteries.  He thereupon had a grave dug in his own handsome grounds, and his son's body found its final rest in the shadow of his old home.

-Reminiscences of a Mosby Guerilla
Lieutenant Edward Bredell, from St. Louis, Mo., was killed at Whiting's house.  He was a private in the battalion, and derived his title from a staff position which he had filled in the regular service.  He was a brave soldier and his loss is much regretted in the command.  Bredell had a midnight funeral on the island, a sand deposit in the Shenandoah, but his remains have since been removed to Cool Spring Church, near Piedmont.

-Partisan Life with Col. John Mosby
Arrivals at Rockbridge Alum From 16th to 22nd of August...Edward Bredell and wife, St. Louis...

-Daily Richmond Examiner, August 28, 1866
One of the saddest events in the Lafayette Square neighborhood in connection with the War was the death of young Captain Edward Bredell, Jr...Being an only son, his distraught parents had his body brought home and buried in the flower garden at the back of their home on Lafayette Avenue (where Simpson Place now opens off the Avenue).  Then in 1871, after neighbors began building closer to the Bredell homestead, his parents had the body removed to Bellefontaine Cemetery.  

-Lafayette Square: The Most Significant Old Neighborhood in St. Louis
I know for a fact that Edward Bredell, Jr., is buried at Bellefontaine Cemetery in St. Louis.  It is difficult, however, to say exactly how he got there.  We have conflicting information and precious little primary source material.  But that will not stop me from speculating and putting together a narrative detailing what happened to Bredell's earthly remains.  

We know that Bredell was killed near Ashby's Gap on November 16, 1864.  It appears that he was buried quickly, "where he fell," in Clarke County, Virginia, perhaps on a sandbar or shoal in the Shenandoah River.  Sometime later, most likely before the end of the war but certainly before 1867, when Partisan Life with Col. John Mosby was published, his remains were moved to a cemetery, probably at Cool Springs Church in  Fauquier County, Virginia.  Both Partisan Life and Reminiscences agree that Bredell's remains were moved to Fauquier County.

At some point, Edward Bredell, Sr., went to Fauquier County to get the body of his only child.  Reminiscences states that this happened during the war but I doubt that.  Bredell, Sr., was a well-known Confederate sympathizer.  His wife was known to have been involved in a Confederate mail-ring, attempting to get mail through Union lines to St. Louisans serving in the Confederate Army.  Also, travel was restricted in St. Louis during the war and I believe that passes, issued by the Provost Marshall, were needed to get in and out of the city.  So I don't believe that the Bredells would have been allowed to travel to Virginia during the war.  
But John Munson, in Reminiscences, states that he visited St. Louis "two years after" the war ended and Bredell, Jr., at that point, was buried in the grounds of his father's house, across the street from Lafayette Park.  We know that the Bredells visited Virginia in August of 1866 and it was most likely at that point that they retrieved their son's remains and brought him home.  

Finally, probably in 1871, Edward Bredell was buried at Bellefontaine.  It is unknown whether or not a burial in the cemetery was originally refused because Bredell had served with the Confederate Army.  That's something we can check and I'll have to talk to the folks at Bellefontaine to see if we can get an answer. But we know that he's there now and is buried next to his parents.  

I am not making light of this when I say that Edward Bredell, Jr., was buried four times and dug up three times.  I only mention it because of how it always reminds me of Vincent Gowrie and Intruder in the Dust.  I am extraordinarily pleased that Bredell, after such an amazing journey in life and death, is at rest, next to his loving parents, in a beautiful part of Bellefontaine Cemetery. 

One final thing.  As interesting a story as this is, I don't believe that it is particularly unique.  If you read This Republic of Suffering, you learn that the nation struggled, during and after the war, with the interment of the dead.  As I read it, I was often thinking of Bredell.  You see all the stuff that Drew Gilpin Faust was talking about in her fantastic book in the story of Bredell's death and numerous burials.  I heartily recommend This Republic of Suffering as well as Death and the Civil War, the PBS documentary based upon it.  But my point here is that the quick burial, the reburial in a cemetery, the parents coming to find their son's remains, the comrade visiting the parents to tell them how their son died - all of that was commonplace during and after the Civil War.  

Whitman wrote of the infinite dead and the countless graves and that, too, has always reminded me of Edward Bredell, Jr., one of the pioneers of baseball in St. Louis, who died, violently, far from home, and was buried, quickly, in a sandbar in the Shenandoah River.  But then I think of his father and John Munson sitting beside his grave, across the street from Lafayette Park, and I take comfort in that.  We should all be so blessed as to find our final rest in the shadow of home, surrounded by those who loved us.                    
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Measure For Measure: The Death Of Edward Bredell

9/24/2014

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Picture
Ashby's Gap
Although the campaign between [Union General Phil] Sheridan and [Confederate General Jubal] Early ended with the Union victory at Cedar Creek, the Federals had remained in the lower Shenandoah Valley.  Sheridan had not forgotten about Mosby nor Mosby about Sheridan.  Raids and counterraids still characterized the duel that had never really ceased.  On November 7, for instance, Colonel William Powell's cavalry division, entering Fauquier through Manassas Gap, rode through Markham, Piedmont, Rectortown, Upperville and Paris, collecting cattle and horses and burning crops and a few barns.

Mosby countered several days later, dispatching Richard Montjoy and Company D to the Valley.  Montjoy raided along the Valley Pike between Winchester and Newtown on the fifteenth.  His men bagged about twenty prisoners and their mounts.  Starting back for Fauquier the next day, Montjoy's men dispersed en route, with the Rangers who boarded in Loudoun County turning northeastward to cross the Shenandoah River at Castleman's Ferry.  Montjoy, with thirty men, proceeded toward Berry's Ferry and Ashby's Gap.  About two miles west of the crossing, a detachment of Blazer's Scouts attacked the Rebels.  The Yankee's gunfire killed Ranger Edward Bredell and scattered the others.  Mountjoy and Lieutenant Charles Grogan rallied the men a mile or so to the east at "Vineyard," the home of John Esten Cooke, one of Jeb Stuart's staff officers.  But the Scouts came on with a relentlessness, gunning down William A. Braxton, wounding five other Rangers and capturing two.  The remaining Confederates splashed across the river and escaped. 

-Mosby's Rangers

The above comes from Jeffry Wert's excellent book and, if you're interested in Civil War history, I recommend you pick it up.

Edward Bredell was killed in action on November 16, 1864, about two miles west of Berry's Ferry, in a skirmish between his company and a group from Blazer's Scouts, a unit that was specifically tasked with finding and eliminating Mosby's guerrillas.  While he died near Ashby's Gap, he did not die in the Battle of Ashby's Gap, which was a seperate engagement that took place in July 1864.  Incidentally, the skirmish in which Bredell was killed took place very near to what is today John Mosby Highway (U.S. Route 50).  Two days after Bredell's death, Mosby would effectively destroy Blazer's Scouts at the Battle of Kabletown.

Picture
Berry's Ferry
While I don't want to get too much into the history of Mosby's Rangers, I think it's important to talk a bit about what was going on in the weeks leading up to Bredell's death, in order to understand the nature of the fight between the Rangers and the Scouts.  Mosby's men were, essentially, a partisan guerrilla band that would attack Union forces or raid behind their lines and then disperse or disappear among the civilian population in northern Virginia.  The Union response to Mosby's effectiveness was severe.  U.S. Grant issued Phil Sheridan rather simple instructions: "[Where] any of Mosby's men are caught hang them without trial".  While Sheridan did not issue general orders to execute prisoners, a series of executions and reprisals did take place.
Picture
John Singleton Mosby
On September 23, 1864, Union forces under the command of General George Custer executed six of Mosby's men, captured out of uniform, at Front Royal, Virginia.  The Union troops believed, erroneously, that during the skirmish that had taken place earlier that day, in which the six prisoners were captured, a Union officer had been executed by Mosby's men.  Four of the men were shot, one in the presence of his mother who had begged that his life be spared, and two were hanged.  On one of the hanged men, a note was pinned that read "Such is the fate of all of Mosby's men."

While Custer did not order the execution, Mosby held him personally responsible for the conduct of his men and Wert wrote that Mosby "instructed his men that whenever a member of Custer's command was captured, the prisoner should be separated from other captives and not forwarded to Richmond.  Mosby told Robert E. Lee in a letter of October 29 precisely what he had decided: 'It is my purpose to hang an equal number of Custer's men whenever I capture them.'  Lee gave his approval..."  By the time Mosby received word of Lee's approval, on November 6, another of his men had been executed by Union forces. 

On November 6, at Rectortown, Virginia, seven Union prisoners, who had served under Custer, were selected by lot.  Four were ordered to be shot and three to be hanged, just as Mosby's men had been.  Of the four who were to be shot, two escaped and two were shot in the head but survived their execution.  The other three were not so lucky and were hung, one with a note pinned to his chest that read "These men have been hung in retaliation for an equal number of Colonel Mosby's men hung by order of General Custer, at Front Royal.  Measure for measure."
Picture
Captain Richard Mountjoy
It is almost certain that Edward Bredell was at Rectortown that day because his commanding officer, Captain Richard Mountjoy, played a prominent role in the executions.  According to Wert, "As the condemned were being led to the place of execution in the Shenandoah Valley, the Ranger guard detail met Captain Richard Mounjoy and Company D in Ashby's Gap.  As was his custom, Montjoy was dressed fastidiously with a Masonic pin on the lapel of his coat.  Lieutenant Disosway, a member of the order, flashed the Masonic distress signal to Montjoy.  The Ranger captain convinced Edward Thompson, the Ranger in charge of the detail, to swap Disosway for a Custer trooper Montjoy had with him.  Thompson agreed, and Disosway was released to Montjoy for a cavalryman.  When Montjoy later told Mosby of the trade, the latter reminded the commander of Company D that the 43rd Battalion 'was no Masonic lodge.'"  It's an odd moment in a dark tale but the fact remains that Bredell most likely saw the execution party on November 6.

Interesting, Mosby, after the botched executions, did not seek to execute more of Custer's men, deciding that he had made his point.  On November 11, he wrote a letter to Sheridan, delivered under a flag of truce, stating what he had done and why he had done it.  He also stated that he would not execute any more prisoners "unless some new act of barbarity shall compel me reluctantly to adopt a course of policy repulsive to humanity."  The execution of prisoners in the Shenandoah Valley, by both Union and Confederate forces, ended at that point.  However, when Mosby's Rangers and Blazer's Scouts fought on November 16, the executions must have been fresh in the minds of all who took part in the battle and those engagements that took place around that time must have been desperate affairs.  In the back of Bredell's mind, and that of his comrades, must have been the thought that they would be executed if taken prisoner.   William Barclay Napton actually heard that Bredell had been executed and wrote as much in his journal. 
Picture
Some of Mosby's Rangers
This was the world that Edward Bredell was living in when he was killed just west of Berry's Ferry.  It's difficult for me to imagine the pioneer ball-player, the science student at Brown University and the business manager of the Missouri Glass Company involved in a nasty, dirty, brutal partisan guerrilla fight in the Shenandoah Valley in 1864.  But Bredell was one of Mosby's men and, after his capture at Vicksburg and his parole, he actively sought to join the Rangers.  Ulysses S. Grant, if he had the chance, would have hung him for that.  A bullet fired by one of Blazer's Scouts, however, saw to it that an execution would not be necessary. 

In the above photo of Mosby's men, John W. Munson is in the second row, third from the left.  Munson, after the war, wrote a book entitled Reminiscences of a Mosby Guerrilla and in this book he mentions Bredell.  He tells a rather poignant story about visiting Bredell's grave that I want to share with you: 
At the close of the war, or rather two years after, I went to St. Louis to live, taking with me a letter of introduction to the father of Edward Bredell, whom I found to be an old Eastern shoreman of Maryland, and distantly related to family connections of mine.  Upon my first visit to the old gentleman he took my hand and escorted me to the beautiful grounds in the rear of his house, where we two sat by the grave of the Partisan Ranger and talked of him as we had known him in the flesh.  I called frequently at the Bredell home and I have not the slightest doubt that it gave the old man no little pleasure to hear me recount the exploits o his brave son, and to repeat, time and time again, the story of the fight in which the boy fell and died.  Many a time I have sat near him in the shade of the trees that spread their limbs over the simple grave, and caught him gazing wistfully at the green mound that covered his son's body.  He tried to take his sorrows philosophically, but I cannot forget his first remark as we stood together:

"Maybe it is all right to give your only boy to your country, but I wish I had mine back again."
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Bredell's obituary appeared in the Daily Richmond Examiner on December 28, 1864:
Killed, on the 16th of November, in a skirmish between Mosby's cavalry and the enemy, Lieutenant Edward Bredell, of Saint Louis, Missouri, in the twenty-sixth year of his age.

This gallant young man left a luxurious home, where he was the idol of his parents, and surrounded by every comfort and enjoyment that wealth could supply, to enter the Southern army.  He bravely unsheathed his sword in the cause of the oppressed, and laid down his life a sacrifice upon the altar of freedom, never faltering or turning aside from the path of honor he had chosen, though it led him to the grave.  He has found his last resting place far from home and kindred, but still among friends, and his best record will be written in the hearts of those in whose defence he fought and died.  For his stricken parents, who have lost in him their one great object in life, let them be assured of earnest, unfeigned sympathy.  Their bereavement is great, yet they have much to comfort them and might say with the Spartan father:

"I am too proud by far to weep
Though earth had naught so dear;
As was that soldier youth to me,
Now sleeping on his bier.
It were a stain upon his fame,
Would do his laurel crown a shame
To shed a single tear;
It was a glorious lot to die
in battle and for liberty."
Tomorrow, I'm going to talk a bit about the interesting history of Bredell's remains.  
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St. Louis Baseball and the Civil War: A Game at the Laclede Ball Grounds

8/19/2014

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A game of base ball came off yesterday morning on the Laclede Ball Grounds, between the Commercial, Jr., and the Baltic Base Ball Clubs, which resulted in favor of the former.

-Missouri Republican, May 24, 1863
According to Tobias, the Laclede Grounds were "on a lot one block north of Easton Avenue between Jefferson and Garrison."

Five days before this game was played, the Siege of Vicksburg began and Edward Bredell, co-founder of the Cyclone Club, was there, serving as aide-de-camp to Confederate General John Bowen.  Also there, serving as aide-de-camp to Union General U.S. Grant, was Bredell's former club-mate, John Riggin.  I have no idea if either of the two men was aware that the other was there.      
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Vicksburg under siege
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St. Louis Baseball and the Civil War: The Louisa Kearny Letter

8/13/2014

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Louisa Kearny's grave
I wrote the following about the Kearny letter at the old blog back in February of 2012:


In their Civil War Collection, the Missouri History Museum has a letter, dated August 28, 1862, written to Edward Bredell, Jr., by Louisa Kearny.  

This is interesting for several reasons.  First, Louisa Kearny was the daughter of Stephen Watts Kearny and the sister of Cyclone Club member Charles Kearny.  Obviously, there was some kind of relationship between Louisa Kearny and Bredell or, at the very least, between the Kearny and Bredell family and this helps explain how Charles Kearny ended up in the Cyclone Club.  Second, Louisa Kearny mentions several of Bredell's old club members in the letter.  While detailing the goings-on of their mutual friends, she mentions Joseph Fullerton and John Riggin in the letter.  She also mentions one of her brothers and, given the way she writes about him, I believe she's talking about Charles.  Lastly, the letter gives an interesting account of what life was like in St. Louis during the Civil War from the point of view of a Southern sympathizer and is worth reading just for that. 

Also, I should add that, according to the Missouri Digital Heritage site, the letter "was intercepted by federal forces and published in the newspaper under the title 'Gems from the Rebel Mail Bag.'"  I have to say that the idea of Ed Bredell not getting this letter kind of breaks my heart a bit.  And I can only imagine the horror that Miss Kearny felt upon the publication of her private letter.  I find the whole story of the letter kind of sad.

I'm posting some of the more interesting parts of the letter below but, if you'd like to read the whole thing, the full letter can be found at the Missouri History Museum's website.
St. Louis, August 28, 1862, 

Capt. Bredell:  You see your letter was appreciated, that I answer it so soon; and I hope this mail will get safely through.  St. Louis is very stupid now.  We have nothing in the way of amusement, and there is not the visiting there used to be, for we have no beaux to visit; indeed, our streets would be deserted if it were not for shoulder-straps.  Your friend, Mr. Fullerton, is fourth sergeant in the Hallack Guard, and went up to Lexington; but succeeded only in burning and sinking some little boats belonging to private individuals, for which the Democraturges they should have some public demonstration for their personal bravery. 

...Mary and I spent the day last Tuesday with your mother.  She read us your letter, where you thought the young ladies should take care of the "little fellows."  We are very much obliged for the suggestion and think of forming a society immediately....

Our neighbor across the street is as savage as ever.  His daughter is Secretary to the "Ladies' Union Aid Society," and her favorite song is "John Brown's bones lie mouldering in the grave," which we have the full benefit of.  How some people fall to their proper level... 

John Riggin is in town again, and I expect there is soon to be a fight, as he always leaves about that time.  He was up here before and brought a negro man that he had stolen from the South. 

Oh! what would we not give to see our old Hero marching through the streets.  We have waited a long time, but I trust that before many months you will all come to release us from the hateful fetters that bind us, for nearly every day they come out with some new order; and this morning a man signing himself "Justice" thinks the women and children should be sent, with all traitors, out of the Federal lines.... 

Remember me to all my friends South, and if that brother of mine is with you, tell him to send me word.  I had a letter from him from Springfield, in which he said he was going back to Mississippi. 

I have set you such a good example that I hope to hear again from you, and with my best wishes and kindest regards for yourself, 

Believe me your friend, 

Miss L.
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St. Louis Baseball and the Civil War: The Beginning of the Empire/Union Rivalry

7/14/2014

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Base Ball Match - The following is the result of a match game of base ball played yesterday, on Gamble's Addition, by the Empire and Union Base Ball Clubs of this city: [Unions 15, Empires 14.]

-Missouri Republican, December 20, 1861
At the old blog, I wrote the following about this game:
I think this is most likely the first game ever played between the Empire and Union clubs.  Tobias wrote that the Unions had organized in 1859 and that this game took place during the "holidays of '60..."  He had the score right but was off by a year.  He also mentions a series of games between the two clubs that took place in "1860 and the early part of '61..."  Again, he was off by a year, as I also now have primary source evidence of the first Empire/Union series taking place in 1862.    

I once had a bit of an email debate with someone about when the Union club was formed and the question of when this particular game was played was central to their argument.  I never believed that this game was played in 1860 and went so far as to look up weather data for the winter of 1860/61 in St. Louis.  Just so you know, the winter of 1860/61 in St. Louis was one of the coldest on record, with a great deal of snowfall.  I don't think anybody was playing baseball in St. Louis that winter.  But now I have conclusive evidence that this game was played in 1861.  I'm not here to say I told you so, but...

In all seriousness, it was important to find an account of this game.  We no longer have to speculate about whether Tobias' timeline was off or if I was reading the source material wrong.  The weight of the primary source evidence supports the idea that the Union club was formed in 1860 and first played the Empires in 1861.  And this is not to be taken as a slam against Tobias, who remains the most significant St. Louis baseball historian of all-time.  While I know that he was working with a lot of the records of the pioneer-era clubs, it's also true that we know that some of the antebellum and Civil War era records were lost by the time Tobias sat down to write his history.  It's obvious that his work is much stronger when dealing with the post-war era and the errors that he makes with regards to the pre-1865 era are not all that significant.  As a human being writing thirty odd years after the fact, he confused some dates and events.  It happens. 
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Gratiot Street Prison
Three days after the first Empires/Union match, the first Confederate prisoners arrived at the Gratiot Street Prison.  
The Prisoners - Preparations for their Accommodations. - A portion of the large number of prisoners, recently captured by Gen. Pope, were expected to arrive at the Pacific Depot last evening, but up to a late hour the train upon which they were expected had not made its appearance.  They are to be quartered at McDowell's College, or as many of the whole number as that institution is capable of accommodating.  About fifty workmen were yesterday engaged in preparing the College for their reception.  Among those thus engaged were fifteen or twenty contrabands, who are at present in charge of Jailor Roderman.  They were taken out of jail for the purpose named.  In cleansing the College and clearing out the rubbish in the basement, two or three wagon loads of human bones were found.  Skulls, arms, legs, ribs, and so on; the relics of various "subjects" experimented upon by the medical students in former days.  The work of hauling these "relics" was very distasteful to the contrabands, and they frequently expressed their unqualified disgust thereat.  

The college will be a very suitable place for the prisoners, as it is commodious, and the location healthy.  It is not probable that the nerves of any of the rebels who will be confined therein, are very susceptible, and even if a "skeleton in the closet" should run and then be revealed, no general alarm would ensue.

-Missouri Republican, December 23, 1861
As usual, Civil War St. Louis has the best information about the Gratiot Street Prison and I recommend you head over there to learn more.  Here's how they describe the place:
During the Civil War Gratiot Street Military Prison was operated in St. Louis, Missouri by the Union army. Gratiot was unique in that it was used not only to hold Confederate prisoners of war, but spies, guerillas, civilians suspected of disloyalty, and even Federal soldiers accused of crimes or misbehavior. The prison also was centered in a city of divided loyalties. Escapees could find refuge in homes not even half a block away. Many of the most dangerous people operating in the Trans-Mississippi passed through its doors. Some escaped in dramatically risky ways; others didn't and lost their lives at the end of a Union rope, or before a firing squad. 
As I mentioned yesterday, Henry Clay Sexton would spend some time locked up there as would Edward Bredell's father.  I can't imagine that it was a pleasant experience.    
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St. Louis Baseball and the Civil War: Edward Bredell and Merritt Griswold

6/4/2014

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The game of base ball now so popular in this as in Eastern cities, was ushered in yesterday afternoon, by the Cyclone Base Ball Club, on their old grounds in Lafayette Park, on which occasion they had the pleasure of having united with them in the game, representatives of the Morning Star, Empire and Commercial Clubs.  As was the case last season, a jolly time was had, especially when a member in his eager endeavors to catch the ball would step into some sunken hole, (left to ornament the park,) thereby changing his movement into that of the Zouave drill, or more properly speaking, lofty tumbling of a gymnast.  But we are happy to say this is soon to be remedied, as the clubs have petitioned the Common Council for the privilege of leveling the same at their own expense, which petition has been referred to the Park commissioners, and only awaits their action, when the improvements will be immediately commenced, provided the Commissioners do not delay the matter until it is too late in the season for starting the grass on places that are to be filled.  We notice the Club is composed of the same members as last year, but a slight change has been made in the officers, caused by Mr. M.W. Griswold resigning the Presidency, which is now filled by the promotion of the Vice President, Mr. Leonard Matthews, and the election of Mr. Benteen as Vice President, Mr. M.W. Alexander, Secretary, Mr. F.L. Garesche, Treasurer, and Messrs. Wm. Matthews, J. Riggin, Jr. and E. Bredell, Jr., Trustees.  The Cyclones play every Wednesday and Saturday afternoon.

-Missouri Republican, March 7, 1861
The first baseball game of the 1861 season in St. Louis was played on March 6.  It took place at Lafayette Park, the home grounds of the Cyclones, and was a friendly match played between teams made up of members of the Cyclone, Empire, Morning Star and Commercial Clubs.  These clubs were four of the five most prominent antebellum clubs in St. Louis and I can't say why the Union Club was not represented that day.  

Mentioned in the article are the two founders of the Cyclone Club, Edward Bredell, Jr., and Merritt Griswold, and I think it's appropriate to begin the story of St. Louis baseball during the Civil War with those two gentlemen.  Bredell and Griswold - friends, co-workers, and clubmates - symbolize what this story is all about.  They were baseball pioneers and co-founded what was most likely the first baseball club in St. Louis that played according to the rules of the National Association.  They helped to establish and grow the game in St. Louis and there are very few men involved in 19th century St. Louis baseball more significant than Bredell and Griswold.  

While they are linked together in baseball history and shared a common occupation as engineers, they were two very different men.  Bredell, who was born in St. Louis in 1839, was the only child of a wealthy family.  His father, Edward Bredell, Sr., was an attorney and one of the founders of the firm of Bredell & Bro., one of the first wholesale dry goods houses in St. Louis.  Bredell, Sr., also founded and was president of the Missouri Glass Company where his son was the business manager.  The Bredel family owned slaves, had strong Southern sympathies, supported the Confederacy, and were in favor of Missouri's succession from the Union.  In June of 1862, Bredell would join the Confederate army and he would be killed in action in November of 1864.  

While I will certainly be talking about Edward Bredell, his family and his service during the war at some length during the course of this series, one important fact that I'd like to point out right now is that Bredell attended Brown University, in Providence, Rhode Island, in 1855, 1856 and, possibly, 1857, studying engineering.  It is likely that he was exposed to the New York game of baseball while attending Brown University and, upon his return to St. Louis in either 1856 or 1857, was probably one of the few people in the city with direct knowledge of the game.  In 1859, Bredell would meet someone who also had a great deal of knowledge about the new game of baseball.  

Merritt W. Griswold was born in New York in 1835 and played baseball with the Putnam Club of Brooklyn in 1857 and the Hiawatha Club of Brooklyn in 1858 and 1859.  He moved to St. Louis, where his mother had family, in 1859 and, an engineer by trade, found employment with the Missouri Glass Company.  The exact date of his arrival in St. Louis and his hiring on at the Missouri Glass Company are unknown but we know that Griswold was playing baseball with the Hiawathas in the spring of 1859 and that the Missouri Glass Company didn't open until late May of that year so it's possible that he didn't get to St. Louis until very late in the spring or early in the summer of 1859.  

While living in St. Louis, Griswold served as an officer with the 3rd Regiment of the United States Reserve Corp.  While that sounds rather proper, in reality Griswold was a member of a pro-Union militia called the Home Guards that were federalized in 1861, when the war broke out, and was most likely a member of the Wide Awakes, a group which is often described as the paramilitary arm of the Republican party.  Griswold, a Yankee by birth, was, without a doubt, a staunch pro-Union Republican.  In May of 1861, Griswold's unit was involved in the capture of Camp Jackson, an engagement that helped secure St. Louis for the Union at the beginning of the Civil War.  

By July of 1863, Griswold had moved back to New York and I've always believed that one of the reasons he moved back home was because he wanted to escape the chaotic political and military situation in St. Louis and return to a more familiar and normal setting.  Pro-Republican and unconditional Unionist sentiment were not particularly popular in St. Louis and I think it's understandable if Griswold wanted to get out of town.  

The bottom line is that the Cyclone Base Ball Club of St. Louis was founded by two men who were friends and co-workers.  One was the pro-secessionist son of a slave owner who died fighting with the Confederate army.  The other was a Yankee and a Republican who fought to keep St. Louis and Missouri in the Union.  

Griswold wrote that the Cyclone Club did not long survive the out break of the war and that it disbanded as a direct result of its members going off to fight.  By the time of Camp Jackson in May of 1861, the club must have been tearing itself apart, much like Missouri and the country as a whole.  And I think we see a little bit of that in the above article, with Griswold resigning the presidency of the club.  

As I've stated, Edward Bredell and Merritt Griswold are two of the most significant figures in the history of St. Louis baseball and were pioneers of the game in the city.  They are also symbols of the Civil War in St. Louis, a city with divided loyalties.  Their friendship, which began in the offices of the Missouri Glass Company and was cemented on the baseball grounds at Lafayette Park, did not survive the outbreak of war.         
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