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St. Louis Baseball and the Civil War: Looking at the Final Year of the War

9/26/2014

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St. Louis in 1865
First, let me say that that's an amazing photograph of the Poplar Street depot in 1865.  I found it at a website called Missouri Railroad Depots and it was contributed to the website by a gentleman named James Wilson.  It's just an extraordinary photo.  According to the website, the Poplar Street depot was "the first St. Louis depot of the Missouri Pacific (known then as the Pacific Railroad).  It served [the Missouri Pacific] until the first St. Louis Union Station was opened in the mid-1870s."   

So now, let's go through the data for 1864 and the beginning of 1865.  I'm combining the two data sets because I'm only going to count the 1865 references through the Empire Club's anniversary game in April of 1865.  The rest of the year is post-war baseball and I don't think it is relevant to this study.  

The other reason I'm combining the data is that I have only eight references to baseball in the Missouri Republican in 1864.  There are three references to baseball in the paper through April of 1865, plus I have another reference from the Daily Press regarding the Empire Club's anniversary game.  In total, I have twelve references for the period.  In 1861, there were twenty-seven references to baseball; in 1862, there were seven; and in 1863, there were twenty.  

During the 1864/65 period, we have references to thirteen different clubs.  In 1861, there were references to ten; in 1862, there were eight; and in 1863, there were twelve.  We are aware of more active clubs in St. Louis during 1864/65 than at any other time in the history of baseball in the city, up to that time.  This is absolutely fascinating.  After four years of war, when the secondary sources and currant historical analysis would have us believe that very little was happening with regards to the game in St. Louis, we have more clubs than ever before.  

Of the twelve references to baseball that I have from 1864/65, ten of them mention a match game and one mentions "field exercises," which meant that a club was playing a game among themselves.  In 1861, there were know of seven match games; in 1862, we know of five; and in 1863, we know of twelve.  As with the number of known clubs, the data regarding match games suggests that the 1864 season was every bit as busy as the 1863 season.  Going into this study, I never would have imagined that the two busiest seasons in St. Louis during the Civil War were in 1863 and 1864.  

There are only two references to different ball grounds in the 1864/65 material - specifically, Gamble Lawn and the Ham Street grounds.  There are references to three different grounds in 1861; only one in 1862; and three in 1863.  Essentially, there were no references to ball games at Lafayette Park or the Laclede Grounds in 1864/65 and that accounts for there only being two references to grounds rather than the expected three.  Obviously, with the number of active clubs and the number of matches being played, there must have been other grounds being used in 1863 and 1864.  There were probably games during the war at Carr Park, Allen's Commons, the Cemetery Grounds, and other places.  We simple don't have any contemporary evidence referencing games at those places but the secondary sources do mention them.  

I don't want to go into this too much because I'm going to write a longer piece on what all of this data from the Civil War means and I don't want to step on that.  But, as I said earlier, it appears that the game was growing in St. Louis during the war.  There was a bit of lull in 1862 but the game rebounded strongly in 1863 and 1864.  Going into the 1865 season, it appears that St. Louis baseball had never been healthier.  And that's really shocking when you compare it to what was happening in the rest of the country.  You don't see this kind of data in other cities.  It didn't happen in Chicago or New York.  St. Louis may have been the only place in the United States, during the Civil War, where baseball was growing.          
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Measure For Measure: The Death Of Edward Bredell

9/24/2014

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Ashby's Gap
Although the campaign between [Union General Phil] Sheridan and [Confederate General Jubal] Early ended with the Union victory at Cedar Creek, the Federals had remained in the lower Shenandoah Valley.  Sheridan had not forgotten about Mosby nor Mosby about Sheridan.  Raids and counterraids still characterized the duel that had never really ceased.  On November 7, for instance, Colonel William Powell's cavalry division, entering Fauquier through Manassas Gap, rode through Markham, Piedmont, Rectortown, Upperville and Paris, collecting cattle and horses and burning crops and a few barns.

Mosby countered several days later, dispatching Richard Montjoy and Company D to the Valley.  Montjoy raided along the Valley Pike between Winchester and Newtown on the fifteenth.  His men bagged about twenty prisoners and their mounts.  Starting back for Fauquier the next day, Montjoy's men dispersed en route, with the Rangers who boarded in Loudoun County turning northeastward to cross the Shenandoah River at Castleman's Ferry.  Montjoy, with thirty men, proceeded toward Berry's Ferry and Ashby's Gap.  About two miles west of the crossing, a detachment of Blazer's Scouts attacked the Rebels.  The Yankee's gunfire killed Ranger Edward Bredell and scattered the others.  Mountjoy and Lieutenant Charles Grogan rallied the men a mile or so to the east at "Vineyard," the home of John Esten Cooke, one of Jeb Stuart's staff officers.  But the Scouts came on with a relentlessness, gunning down William A. Braxton, wounding five other Rangers and capturing two.  The remaining Confederates splashed across the river and escaped. 

-Mosby's Rangers

The above comes from Jeffry Wert's excellent book and, if you're interested in Civil War history, I recommend you pick it up.

Edward Bredell was killed in action on November 16, 1864, about two miles west of Berry's Ferry, in a skirmish between his company and a group from Blazer's Scouts, a unit that was specifically tasked with finding and eliminating Mosby's guerrillas.  While he died near Ashby's Gap, he did not die in the Battle of Ashby's Gap, which was a seperate engagement that took place in July 1864.  Incidentally, the skirmish in which Bredell was killed took place very near to what is today John Mosby Highway (U.S. Route 50).  Two days after Bredell's death, Mosby would effectively destroy Blazer's Scouts at the Battle of Kabletown.

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Berry's Ferry
While I don't want to get too much into the history of Mosby's Rangers, I think it's important to talk a bit about what was going on in the weeks leading up to Bredell's death, in order to understand the nature of the fight between the Rangers and the Scouts.  Mosby's men were, essentially, a partisan guerrilla band that would attack Union forces or raid behind their lines and then disperse or disappear among the civilian population in northern Virginia.  The Union response to Mosby's effectiveness was severe.  U.S. Grant issued Phil Sheridan rather simple instructions: "[Where] any of Mosby's men are caught hang them without trial".  While Sheridan did not issue general orders to execute prisoners, a series of executions and reprisals did take place.
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John Singleton Mosby
On September 23, 1864, Union forces under the command of General George Custer executed six of Mosby's men, captured out of uniform, at Front Royal, Virginia.  The Union troops believed, erroneously, that during the skirmish that had taken place earlier that day, in which the six prisoners were captured, a Union officer had been executed by Mosby's men.  Four of the men were shot, one in the presence of his mother who had begged that his life be spared, and two were hanged.  On one of the hanged men, a note was pinned that read "Such is the fate of all of Mosby's men."

While Custer did not order the execution, Mosby held him personally responsible for the conduct of his men and Wert wrote that Mosby "instructed his men that whenever a member of Custer's command was captured, the prisoner should be separated from other captives and not forwarded to Richmond.  Mosby told Robert E. Lee in a letter of October 29 precisely what he had decided: 'It is my purpose to hang an equal number of Custer's men whenever I capture them.'  Lee gave his approval..."  By the time Mosby received word of Lee's approval, on November 6, another of his men had been executed by Union forces. 

On November 6, at Rectortown, Virginia, seven Union prisoners, who had served under Custer, were selected by lot.  Four were ordered to be shot and three to be hanged, just as Mosby's men had been.  Of the four who were to be shot, two escaped and two were shot in the head but survived their execution.  The other three were not so lucky and were hung, one with a note pinned to his chest that read "These men have been hung in retaliation for an equal number of Colonel Mosby's men hung by order of General Custer, at Front Royal.  Measure for measure."
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Captain Richard Mountjoy
It is almost certain that Edward Bredell was at Rectortown that day because his commanding officer, Captain Richard Mountjoy, played a prominent role in the executions.  According to Wert, "As the condemned were being led to the place of execution in the Shenandoah Valley, the Ranger guard detail met Captain Richard Mounjoy and Company D in Ashby's Gap.  As was his custom, Montjoy was dressed fastidiously with a Masonic pin on the lapel of his coat.  Lieutenant Disosway, a member of the order, flashed the Masonic distress signal to Montjoy.  The Ranger captain convinced Edward Thompson, the Ranger in charge of the detail, to swap Disosway for a Custer trooper Montjoy had with him.  Thompson agreed, and Disosway was released to Montjoy for a cavalryman.  When Montjoy later told Mosby of the trade, the latter reminded the commander of Company D that the 43rd Battalion 'was no Masonic lodge.'"  It's an odd moment in a dark tale but the fact remains that Bredell most likely saw the execution party on November 6.

Interesting, Mosby, after the botched executions, did not seek to execute more of Custer's men, deciding that he had made his point.  On November 11, he wrote a letter to Sheridan, delivered under a flag of truce, stating what he had done and why he had done it.  He also stated that he would not execute any more prisoners "unless some new act of barbarity shall compel me reluctantly to adopt a course of policy repulsive to humanity."  The execution of prisoners in the Shenandoah Valley, by both Union and Confederate forces, ended at that point.  However, when Mosby's Rangers and Blazer's Scouts fought on November 16, the executions must have been fresh in the minds of all who took part in the battle and those engagements that took place around that time must have been desperate affairs.  In the back of Bredell's mind, and that of his comrades, must have been the thought that they would be executed if taken prisoner.   William Barclay Napton actually heard that Bredell had been executed and wrote as much in his journal. 
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Some of Mosby's Rangers
This was the world that Edward Bredell was living in when he was killed just west of Berry's Ferry.  It's difficult for me to imagine the pioneer ball-player, the science student at Brown University and the business manager of the Missouri Glass Company involved in a nasty, dirty, brutal partisan guerrilla fight in the Shenandoah Valley in 1864.  But Bredell was one of Mosby's men and, after his capture at Vicksburg and his parole, he actively sought to join the Rangers.  Ulysses S. Grant, if he had the chance, would have hung him for that.  A bullet fired by one of Blazer's Scouts, however, saw to it that an execution would not be necessary. 

In the above photo of Mosby's men, John W. Munson is in the second row, third from the left.  Munson, after the war, wrote a book entitled Reminiscences of a Mosby Guerrilla and in this book he mentions Bredell.  He tells a rather poignant story about visiting Bredell's grave that I want to share with you: 
At the close of the war, or rather two years after, I went to St. Louis to live, taking with me a letter of introduction to the father of Edward Bredell, whom I found to be an old Eastern shoreman of Maryland, and distantly related to family connections of mine.  Upon my first visit to the old gentleman he took my hand and escorted me to the beautiful grounds in the rear of his house, where we two sat by the grave of the Partisan Ranger and talked of him as we had known him in the flesh.  I called frequently at the Bredell home and I have not the slightest doubt that it gave the old man no little pleasure to hear me recount the exploits o his brave son, and to repeat, time and time again, the story of the fight in which the boy fell and died.  Many a time I have sat near him in the shade of the trees that spread their limbs over the simple grave, and caught him gazing wistfully at the green mound that covered his son's body.  He tried to take his sorrows philosophically, but I cannot forget his first remark as we stood together:

"Maybe it is all right to give your only boy to your country, but I wish I had mine back again."
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Bredell's obituary appeared in the Daily Richmond Examiner on December 28, 1864:
Killed, on the 16th of November, in a skirmish between Mosby's cavalry and the enemy, Lieutenant Edward Bredell, of Saint Louis, Missouri, in the twenty-sixth year of his age.

This gallant young man left a luxurious home, where he was the idol of his parents, and surrounded by every comfort and enjoyment that wealth could supply, to enter the Southern army.  He bravely unsheathed his sword in the cause of the oppressed, and laid down his life a sacrifice upon the altar of freedom, never faltering or turning aside from the path of honor he had chosen, though it led him to the grave.  He has found his last resting place far from home and kindred, but still among friends, and his best record will be written in the hearts of those in whose defence he fought and died.  For his stricken parents, who have lost in him their one great object in life, let them be assured of earnest, unfeigned sympathy.  Their bereavement is great, yet they have much to comfort them and might say with the Spartan father:

"I am too proud by far to weep
Though earth had naught so dear;
As was that soldier youth to me,
Now sleeping on his bier.
It were a stain upon his fame,
Would do his laurel crown a shame
To shed a single tear;
It was a glorious lot to die
in battle and for liberty."
Tomorrow, I'm going to talk a bit about the interesting history of Bredell's remains.  
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St. Louis Baseball and the Civil War: The Resolutes Were A Bunch Of Cheaters

9/18/2014

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The match game of base ball, which was to come off on yesterday afternoon between the Hope and Resolute Clubs of this city, did not come off on account of a dispute arising between both Clubs - the latter Club having two players on their nine belonging to the Empire Club.

-Missouri Republican, September 27, 1864
And now we know even more about the Hope and Resolutes.  The Resolutes were a bunch of cheaters and the two clubs probably didn't like each other much. 

At first glance, the Resolutes attempt to use two members of the Empire Club in their nine doesn't appear to be that big of a deal.  It wasn't uncommon for a club to use members of other clubs to fill out their nine for a match, if they were short players.  The fact that the Hope protested this tells us a few things.  First, the scheduled match was viewed by the clubs as something more than a friendly.  There was something at stake in this match.  It may have been simply pride or honor but it may also have been the season series.       

Secondly, this tells us a great deal about the nature of baseball in St. Louis during the Civil War.  The fact that there was a protest shows us that the game had developed beyond its social function and was seen as something more than physical exercise and fun.  The game had developed a competitive function and the teams were playing to win.  This is extremely important as it parallels the national evolution of the game Morris talked about in But Didn't We Have Fun? and Goldstein wrote about in A History of Early Baseball.  This is more evidence to support the idea that St. Louis baseball, during the war, was dynamic and growing. 

We see this kind of dispute, again and again, in the late 1860s and early 1870s, as teams are fighting for the championship under the auspices of the state amateur association and the association had to adjudicate the disputes.  It's fascinating to see the same thing in 1864 when there was no official body to mediate between the clubs and enforce the rules of competition.

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Sterling Price
While the war in the east had devolved into trench warfare and the seige of Petersburg by September of 1864, the war in Missouri, after a rather lengthy calm, had become, once again, rather dynamic.  On September 19, 1864, Sterling Price invaded Missouri, with the goal of capturing St. Louis, and, by extension, the state for the Confederacy.  It was, without a doubt, a desperate gamble and the last Confederate offensive west of the Mississippi.  

On September 27, 1864, Price engaged Union forces at Pilot Knob.  While a Confederate victory, the outnumbered Union forces held off Price's army long enough and bloodied them to such an extent that the idea of taking St. Louis became an impossibility.  Price's secondary target was Jefferson City, the state capitol, but as he moved westward, he found the city too heavily guarded to take.  While Price would continue to push westward, into Kansas, and engage Union troops through October, Pilot Knob really put an end to possibility of Price achieving any of his strategic goals.      
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The Battle of Pilot Knob
Also on September 27, Bloody Bill Anderson and his guerrilla forces road into Centralia, Missouri, stopped a train on the North Missouri Railroad, and captured twenty-three Union soldiers who were aboard the train.  Anderson executed twenty-two of those soldiers, sparing only Sgt. Thomas Goodman, who Anderson took prisoner and planned to exchange for one of his men who had previously been captured by Union forces.   
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Bloody Bill Anderson
It should be noted, without excusing the actions of Anderson in Centralia, that Union forces had executed six of Anderson's men just four days earlier, after they had been captured following a skirmish near Rocheport.  Executing prisoners is always a bad idea because it places your own men at risk, should they be captured.  Sheridan and Mosby went through the same thing in the Shenandoah before coming to their senses and reaching an agreement about the treatment of prisoners of war.  

Sometimes we romanticize the Civil War but it's important to remember that, like Sherman said, war IS hell.  It's ugly, brutal, and violent.  The worst aspects of human nature come to the surface, even among good men in a noble cause.  War corrupts the human spirit and makes devils of us all.     

On that pleasant note, we come to the end of 1864.  Rather than put up a post summarizing the material from that year just yet, I'm going to push on and put up stuff from the beginning of the 1865 season.  What I plan on doing is folding the 1865 stuff, through the Empire Club's anniversary game, into the 1864 summary and put up one page for 1864/1865.  At that point this series is at an end and I'll try to put together some kind of broad overview of Civil War-era baseball in St. Louis.  I will be pushing on into 1865 but nothing comprehensive; rather, I'll be covering the Empire Club's claim to the Championship to the West.  So we have that to look forward to.  
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St. Louis Baseball and the Civil War: Resolute

9/17/2014

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There was an interesting match of base ball Saturday afternoon, between the Hope and Resolute clubs, the former being successful. The total runs were: Hope 33; Resolute 21.

-Missouri Republican, August 30, 1864

This is the first reference I have to the Resolutes, a club that would exist and compete in St. Louis into the 1870s.  They are one of my favorite St. Louis clubs because, in 1865, they held their baseball picnic in Illinois, less than a mile from my house.  While people lived in the Granite City area beginning around 1830, the city itself wasn't founded until 1895 and the Resolute picnic is really the only 19th century baseball activity that I'm aware of in my hometown.  


One of the things I've been thinking about is the names that these Civil War-era clubs choose to take.  Union.  Hope.  Resolute.  I think that says something about these men and what was important to them.  Empire.  Imperial.  Enterprise.  Liberty.  These men were not all cut from the same political clothe and we could discuss the political leanings of the Empire and Union Clubs all day but I certainly have to believe that the times that they lived in had something to do with the names they choose for their clubs.  It says something to name your baseball club the Unions in 1860.  It says something to name your club Resolute in 1864.  These names evoked very specific values and characteristics.  There was post-war club in New Orleans named the Robert E. Lees and that name made a very specific political statement.  But I'm really struck not so much by the Unions or the R.E. Lees but by clubs choosing to evoke hope and resoluteness in 1864.  If our forebearers could summon such courage in the face of their difficulties than we can as well.  Because, I believe, that it takes courage to be hopeful and resolute.  Fear and cynicism is easy; hope is difficult.  So let's be resolute in our hopefulness.  


Here endeth the lesson.  


     
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St. Louis Baseball and the Civil War: Picnic Season

9/16/2014

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First grand Basket Pic-nic of the Hope Base Ball Club, to be given on August 4th, at Laclede Station, on the P.R.R. Cars leave precisely at 8 o'clock A.M. Tickets one dollar.

P.S. - An interesting game of base ball to be played on the occasion. 

-Missouri Republican, August 2, 1864  

The baseball picnic would become a bit of a fad in St. Louis and we'll see that in 1865.  For now, I think this is the first reference I have to a baseball picnic.  So I guess that's something.  

Three days before this squib appeared in the Republican, the Battle of the Crater took place.  It's become a bit of a cliche to call the Civil War the first modern war.  I'm not even sure what it means when we say that but the Siege of Petersburg and the Battle of the Crater have always reminded me of the First World War.  Now I've also seen references to the First World War as being the last ancient war and I really have no idea what that means.  Wars are a product of their time and are neither ancient nor modern.  That simply are.  We apply the tools that we have to the problems that we face.  They did that in both the Civil War and the First World War.  All civilizations and societies thought, at some point, that they were modern.  And all of them, at some point, became ancient.  Time is a relative concept and pretty much everything depends on where you're standing.        
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Trenches from the first modern war? Or the last ancient war?
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St. Louis Baseball and the Civil War: Invited To The Field

9/15/2014

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The Commercial Base Ball Club have their regular field exercise on Gamble Lawn this Saturday afternoon. Members are requested to be prompt in attendance, and Base Ball players generally are invited to the field.

-Missouri Republican, June 18, 1864

Here we have another notice from the Commercials.  If I had realized that this one was so similar to what I posted Friday, I would have just posted them together.  It's certainly repetitive but let's try and be positive here and say that this shows how active the Commercial Club was in 1864, specifically, and during the war years, generally.  

Also of note is that the Petersburg campaign began on June 9, 1864, and on the day that this notice appeared in the Republican, the Second Battle of Petersburg ended, with little having been achieved.  When that battle ended, the two sides dug in and the seige of Petersburg began.  It would end in April of the following year.  

In St. Louis, on June 18, a number of Copperheads escaped from the Gratiot Street Prison.  Several were shot and killed while trying to escape but some actually made it all the way to Canada.  I find it ironic that these men had to run to Canada to gain their freedom, just as slaves in the South, using the Underground Railroad, had to escape to Canada to gain theirs.    
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St. Louis Baseball and the Civil War: Field Exercise

9/12/2014

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The members of the Commercial Base Ball Club are notified to meet on Gamble lawn this (Saturday) afternoon, 28th, at 4 1/2 o'clock P.M., for field exercise.

W. Kiselhorst, Secretary.

-Missouri Republican, May 28, 1864
This is the first reference to the senior Commercial Club in 1864 and shows that the Commercials were active throughout the war years.  That's rather significant.  I'll do all the math when I'm done with this series but, of the top of my head, I think the only clubs that were active in every St. Louis baseball season from 1860 to 1864 were the Commercials, Empires, and Unions and I'm not totally sure about the Unions.  This puts the Commercials in pretty good company and is another reason why I always say how underappreciated the club is in a historical sense.  The Commercials were one of the most significant pioneer baseball clubs in St. Louis history and nobody ever talks about them. 

On May 31, 1864, the Battle of Cold Harbor began.  You would think, by 1864, people would have figured out that you didn't attack, up-hill, an entrenched enemy position.  But both Grant and Lee made that mistake during the Civil War and their troops paid the price.  Grant, to his credit, realized his mistake at Cold Harbor and regretted it.       
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Grant at Cold Harbor
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St. Louis Baseball and the Civil War: The Hickory Base Ball Club

9/11/2014

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A spirited match took place yesterday at the grounds on Eighth and Hickory streets, between the Empire and Hickory clubs.  The former proved victors by a score of twenty-eight, to nine for the later.

-Missouri Republican, May 10, 1864
I believe that this is the only reference that I have to the Hickory Base Ball Club of St. Louis and we'll mark this up as a reference to another new club.  

The location of the ball grounds at Eighth and Hickory is also significant.  I don't think I have any other references to what most have been the Hickory's home grounds, which is just a few blocks south of where Busch Stadium currently stands.  So this reference gives us both a new club and a new baseball ground.      
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St. Louis Baseball and the Civil War: War Is Hell

9/10/2014

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William Tecumseh Sherman
A match game of base ball came off on Thursday afternoon, between the Laclede and Young Commercial Base Ball Clubs, which resulted in a victory for the former.

A match game was also played yesterday afternoon on Gamble Lawn, between the St. Louis and Missouri Base Ball Clubs, which resulted in the defeat of the former.

-Missouri Republican, May 7, 1864
So we have a couple of games, another reference to the St. Louis Club and the first known reference to the Missouri Club.  That's great.  Let's talk about Sherman.  

On the day that this all appeared in the Republican, William Tecumseh Sherman began the Atlanta campaign, which was the prelude to the March to the Sea.  Sherman happened to have been a baseball fan.  In 1874, while serving as General of the Army, he moved his headquarters to St. Louis and, while living in the city, was known to frequent the Grand Avenue Grounds.  The Union Club noticed this and named him an honorary member.  So, officially, Sherman was a member of the Union Base Ball Club of St. Louis.  He also happened to have been living in St. Louis at the beginning of the war and witnessed the Camp Jackson Massacre.  

Sherman loved St. Louis, owned a house on North Garrison, and, while he moved around quite a bit during his life, always seemed to return here.  His wife was buried at Calvary Cemetery in 1888 and it was Sherman's wish to be buried next to her.   
   
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Sherman's grave
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Edmund Tobias described Sherman as "that grim old warrior" and I just love that.  He's the man who coined the phrase "War is hell."  You've no doubt heard that but you need to read the whole quote:  
I am tired and sick of war. Its glory is all moonshine. It is only those who have neither fired a shot nor heard the shrieks and groans of the wounded who cry aloud for blood, for vengeance, for desolation. War is hell. 
There is nothing ironic in Sherman's quote.  War IS hell and he knew that as well as anyone.  How can you not love this guy? 
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St. Louis Baseball and the Civil War: The St. Louis Base Ball Club

9/9/2014

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A match game of Base Ball was played yesterday afternoon, between the Imperial and St. Louis Base Ball Clubs, which resulted in a complete victory for the former.

-Missouri Republican, May 3, 1864
I have a box score from 1862 that includes the Imperials but no players in that box score matches players in this box score.  So I'm not absolutely certain that the 1862 Imperials are the same club as the 1864 Imperials.  My gut feeling is that they were two different clubs but I have no evidence either way.  

The St. Louis Base Ball Club is absolutely a new club or, at the very least, this is the first reference I've seen to them.  I think St. Louis is a great name for a baseball club from St. Louis but what do I know.  I've always wanted the Blues to trade for Martin St. Louis so we can all buy Blues jerseys that say St. Louis on the back.  That would be, without a doubt, the best selling jersey in the history of the Blues. 

Three days after this match was played, the Battle of the Wilderness began.  The Wilderness was a brutal affair, as Grant threw his army at Lee's, and, when the battle ended on May 7th, combined casualties stood near 28,000.  In the past, when faced with such casualties, the commander of the Army of the Potomac would retreat.  Grant, realizing that his army could sustain those kinds of losses while Lee could not, kept moving south.  That was Grant's genius.  He knew he had the bigger army and he would continue to engage Lee's smaller army until it was destroyed.  It resulted in horrific casualties but, in the end, it won the war.    


       
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